The incident ocurred during the annual reception by the King and the royal family of foreign diplomats in Spain. As it can be seen at 0:29, the Spanish princess Letizia and a DRC diplomat are about to shake hands when the diplomat moves his hand away and turns around leaving the princess visibly surprised.

This otherwise trivial incident has provided a good opportunity for many to express some misplaced opinions, which range from the lack of education of the diplomat, to outright racist comments and strange comparisons between this gesture and the Iranian diplomats’ refusal to shake the hands of the queen and princess for being women (0:15)… Comments also flow in the opposite direction – with some accusing the princess of not stretching her hand sufficiently and thus offending the diplomat.

As it turns out, the reality is much simpler. According to this online newspaper, quoting sources from the DRC mission in Spain:

Oscar Matondo (the name of the diplomat) is in charge of commercial relations between Spain and the DRC, has only recently been dispatched to Spain and barely speaks Spanish.
During the event, Matondo – unfamiliar with Spanish protocol and rather nervous – heard the princess say something he couldn’t make out. Thinking she was telling him off for trying to greet her, he turned around.

A trivial incident (which both the royal house and the DRC embassy in Spain have played down) but which nonetheless has allowed many to express their prejudiced views…

Concentrar el foco de la cooperación española

Recomendación:

• Centrar en menos países, prioridades temáticas y transversales, y priorizar claramente dentro de estos.

• Desarrollar criterios claros para la selección de países socios, con atención particular al objetivo de reducir la pobreza.

Desarrollar una política de trabajo con la sociedad civil

Recomendación:

• Exponer claramente qué quiere conseguirse con, y a través de, las ONGs de desarrollo.
• Refinar los instrumentos de financiación para asegurar que la AOD a y a través de ONGs de desarrollo se asigna de forma estratégica y asegura los resultados.

Mejorar la rendición de cuentas: prepararse para la difícil época económica

Recomendación:

Para mantener un fuerte apoyo público a la ayuda y el desarrollo, el gobierno debería:

• Crear un plan actualizado y realizable para la comunicación y educación para el desarrollo.
• Mejorar la capacidad especializada de comunicación de la agencia.

Concentrar la ayuda oficial al desarrollo

Recomendación:

Usando la pausa en el crecimiento de la AOD y siendo más selectivo en cómo se asigna la ayuda podría ayudar a España a mejorar la calidad y eficacia de la cooperación. Con este fin, España debería:

• Reducir el foco geográfico de su ayuda para permitir una mayor concentración de recursos en menos países socios.

Asegurarse que las contribuciones multilaterales españolas son estratégicas
Recomendación:

Para fortalecer so relación estratégica con las agencias multilaterales y asegurar que se maximiza el impacto de la ayuda multilateral española, España debería:

• Utilizar de forma sistemática las lecciones de las evaluaciones y la información de sus delegados sobre el terreno para guiar su apoyo a las agencias multilaterales.

Dar el paso de evaluación a aprendizaje

Recomendación:
Para demostrar los resultados y promover una cultura de aprendizaje:

• La cooperación española debería utilizar la información sobre resultados que se recoge de las evaluaciones por influenciar el desarrollo de políticas, la programación y aprendizaje institucional, e informar a la opinión pública.

Definir una política de recursos humanos que enfatice la movilidad y actuación de los trabajadores

Recomendación:

En un contexto donde “hacer más con menos” se convertirá en la norma, España necesita criterios y políticas claros sobre cómo utilizar los recursos de forma eficiente y efectiva. El MAEC y la AECID deberían:

• Desarrollar una política de recursos humanos un plan a medio plazo para la movilidad y rotación de los trabajadores.
• Introducir un sistema de gestión de actuaciones individuales ligado a resultados y objetivos de la organización

Compartir concimientos sobre fortalecimiento de capacidades con países de renta media

Recomendación:

Para construir cobre la relación de España con países de renta media, España debería:

• Hacer del fortalecimiento de capacidades un objetivo en sus marcos de asociación país, y recoger y compartir las lecciones y experiencias con el fortalecimiento de capacidades, especialmente en países de renta media

*Esta entrada se publicó originalmente en Foro AOD

On this line, without a doubt in 2012 the instability that characterized 2011 in large parts of the world will continue (for ODI’s Alison Evans this “uncertainty” will be the only certainty this year – something, I think, it’s nearly impossible to disagree with). Taking a step back, one can trace the origins of this uncertainty or instability lay in the global reordering and tectonic shifts currently taking place in the global economy, as a result of the 2008-09 financial crisis and the more recent European debt crisis (fuelled partly by the austerity measures adopted that threaten to push the Euro economies back into recession). The “Great Recession”, as it has begun to be labeled, has its centre within the Euro-Atlantic area, but its impact is global. For one, the “emerged” economies of Brazil, India and China – alongside smaller but economically healthy (or at least with access to liquidity) countries such as the Gulf states and other resource-rich economies – are seeing their relative weight increase rapidly not only on economic terms, but also politically.We have seen an economic global shift that is now having a political impact in many parts of the world.
One cannot talk of a single political impact – or even many working on the same direction – of this reordering in Africa, but rather multiple ones, shaped by local social and political forces and geographical considerations. Back to our original question, we need to ask then what will be the dominant political dynamics across the African continent in 2012? There are numerous ones, but I will highlight just two, very broad ones, which are a direct result of the global reordering and, which despite being already at work, will possible increase in importance:

One: Growing disengagement between citizens and their government

Occupy Nigeria rally, Gani Fawehinmi Park, Ojota Photo: Temi KOGBE

2011 started with the toppling of the Tunisian and Egyptian regimes, and subsequently it was often asked asked whether this “North African spring” would travel South. Analysts were quick to note the important differences between both regions, which made difficult a straight expansion of these dynamics south of the Sahara. However, the – in my opinion – deeper reason behind the political turmoil in the Arab countries is a global one: the growing distance between a globally connected and increasingly informed citizenship undergoing economic hardship, whilst simultaneously witnessing segments of the population benefitting (with political support) from this situation. This basic idea then translates into very different events depending on the political context – from camping against the politicians and bankers that make the 99% in Europe and the US, to the outright rejection of a political class so corrupt whose only possibility was to leave. This discontent has been expressed across Africa all through 2011 – under different pretexts, but with the same underlying message. The “walk-to-work” protests in Uganda, the demonstrations against Wade’s political maneuvering in Senegal, the “enough is enough”, and now “occupy” movements in Nigeria, the July protests in Malawi, which left 18 deaths, and even the first political protests in a totally controlled regime such as Angola; and this just citing the most visible ones. Protests which will no doubt continue to affect various African countries propelled by the political and/or economic situation.
Pay attention to: It’s difficult to single out few countries, but some of those that spring to mind are those with scheduled elections (Senegal, Angola, Ghana) and/or where turmoil has already began (Nigeria, Uganda). Also South Africa could see increased protest on the face of worsening economic situation; and Kenya’s (pre-)election year (poll could be delayed until 2013) could also be tumultuous.

Two: Heightened importance of the geopolitical and military dimension

Dai Kurokawa/European Pressphoto Agency

Alongside the internal implications of the global economic reordering, there are also important cross-national, regional and global trends that will affect Africa’s outlook in 2012. In exploring this, and specially when it comes to security and military aspects, we must take as reference not only the actions of African actors, but also those of external players – of which the US is still the most important one. Here, global geopolitical and security concerns intersect with local and regional dynamics defining areas which appear as requiring attention from a military perspective, or which present a security concern. The most important elements fuelling this type of attention include: the presence of armed and terrorist groups, the existence of natural resources, and the geostrategic position of the areas.
Pay attention to: Again, it is difficult to point out new trends which may emerge, but judging from the dynamics already at play, three critical areas within Africa are: the Sahel region – AQIM and break-away groups are in operation there, alongside transnational traffickers and criminal networks; Mali and Niger are among the poorest and most fragile countries (and Mali faces an election year); and it is far from clear that the Libyan post-war will be peaceful. The Horn of Africa – not only is there a multinational military presence off the Somali coast to stop pirate attacks, but Kenyan (followed by Ethiopian) troops entered last October the southern part of Somalia. And the AU troops are still there. And Central-East Africa – the unstable region is still key and conflict could come from long-time spoilers such as the LRA (the US deployed military advisors to Uganda late last year), militias on the Eastern DRC, as well as the new factor that constitutes South Sudan – where 2012 has began with a spike of internal fighting and a dispute with its northern neighbor.

Three: Big guys’ time to shine

These are, in my humble opinion and in very broad terms, the forces most likely to dominate African politics from a macro-perspective. Now, the extra dimension that should not be ignored is that, if these are powerful trends by themselves, wherever they cross, something is bound to happen. And if this happens in a large country (or one with key regional role), then the consequences will be important. Libya was the case in point in 2011.
And in 2012? I do not attempt to look into any crystal ball, but if a country such as Sudan, DRC, Algeria or Nigeria were to be deeply destabilized, the regional impact of this fallout would be massive. Conversely, if these countries, or, perhaps other equally important ones such as Ethiopia, Kenya, Angola or South Africa, manage to overcome the existing threats, their sheer size and international clout could work to improve the political situation within their region.

So, what are your views?

Are you optimistic that Kenya and Ethiopia can contribute to a durable African solution for Somalia? Or that South Africa will finally put real pressure on Zimbabwe? Or by contrast, do you have fears that the security situation will get worse in Sudan/South Sudan? What about Nigeria – will the security situation deteriorate, or will the protesters help the government get serious with the governance reforms?
Would love to hear your thoughts!

Hasta el próximo 31 de enero de 2012 está abiero el llamamiento a paneles, y tod@s aquellos interesad@s deberán enviar una propuesta con un máximo de 400 palabras, asociada a algún panel (cada panel puede tener más de una sesión) y presentarse a través del formulario de la página web.

En concreto, el panel que co-organizo, es el siguiente:

Panel #32: Reconstrucción del estado, estados frágiles y resistencia en África
COORDINADORES: Marta Iniguez de Heredia Sunye | Manuel Manrique Gil
El debilitamiento de las instituciones del estado, bien como resultado de un conflicto violento, bien del crimen organizado o redes transnacionales, es una grave amenaza a la seguridad humana, y uno de los retos más complejos y urgentes a los que se enfrentan los estados africanos. Por esta razón, la construcción y fortalecimiento del estado se ha convertido en una de las prioridades de la comunidad internacional. Pero esto supone nuevos retos para la búsqueda de paz y desarrollo. A pesar del reconocimiento cada vez mayor de la importancia del contexto y la historia de estos países por parte de los actores internacionales, y del desarrollo de políticas y modelos específicos, persiste un problema más profundo. Como han demostrado los estudios de sociología histórica, la formación de estados ha sido generalmente un proceso largo, violento y duro para las sociedades, y a los que distintos sectores de la población han respondido de diversas maneras, desde la resistencia encubierta hasta la confrontación armada. Del mismo modo, la difuminación de fronteras geográficas, políticas y económicas y la integración de actores locales, nacionales e internacionales han conducido a dinámicas ambivalentes de poder y resistencia, las cuales han sido a su vez transformadoras de la comunidad política, la paz y las instituciones estatales.

Este panel quiere explorar las actuaciones internacionales en estados frágiles y procesos de construcción del estado, y las respuestas y resistencia que estos pueden haber generado. Analizará los retos existentes y cómo estos influyen sobre la efectividad de las políticas internas y los esfuerzos humanitarios, de construcción de la paz y de desarrollo por parte de los actores internacionales. Esto se hará con una visión crítica, donde las categorías analíticas del estado como garante de la paz y la resistencia como factor de riesgo para la paz, o lo local como un recipiente pasivo y lo global como un donante activo sean puestos en cuestión. Este cuestionamiento debe proporcionar un mejor punto de referencia desde el que observar los diferentes proyectos políticos y significados que la paz tiene para los diferentes actores que operan en el terreno, influenciándose y transformándose entre ellos. Las contribuciones de los ponentes tendrán en cuenta las dinámicas históricas, políticas, económicas y morales.

CALL FOR PAPERS
Fecha límite de presentación de propuestas: 31 de enero de 2012.
Propuesta máxima de 400 palabras.
Idiomas del panel: Castellano e Inglés.
Comunicación de la aceptación de las propuestas: 15 de marzo de 2012.
Fecha de entrega de la comunicación: 15 de mayo de 2012.

Más información, aquí.

The panel I am co-ordinating is this one:

Statebuilding, fragile states and resistance in Africa

COORDINATORS: Marta Iñiguez de Heredia Sunyé | Manuel Manrique Gil

The weakening of state institutions, whether by violent conflict, organized crime or transnational networks, is a grave threat to human security, and one of the most pressing and complex challenges for African states. For this reason, building and strengthening states has become a priority of the international community. But this poses new challenges to the quest for peace and development. Despite international actors´ increasing responsiveness to these countries context and history, and the development of specific policies and approaches, a deeper problem persists. As historical sociology has observed, statebuilding has often been a long, violent and painful process for societies, to which individuals have responded with myriad of strategies, from covert resistance to outright armed opposition. Similarly, the blurring of geographical, political, economical boundaries and the intertwining of local, national and international actors have led to ambivalent dynamics of power and resistance, which have been themselves transformative of the political community, peace and state institutions.

This panel wants to explore international involvement in statebuilding and fragile states, and the responses and resistance the may have generated. It will analyse existing challenges and how these affect the effectiveness of domestic policies and humanitarian, peacekeeping and development efforts supported by international actors. It will do so from a critical perspective where categories such as the state as the peace-grantor and resistance as a spoiler; the local as passive recipient and the global as active giver are put into question. This questioning should provide a better standpoint to observe different political projects and meanings of peace that actors on the ground promote, influencing and transforming each other. Contributions take into account historical, political, economic and normative dynamics.

More info, here

And now, let’s start looking at what may be worth paying attention for 2012. I will shortly write a detailed post looking at political trends that may be important this year, but in the meanwhile, here’s a cultural note.

The azonto dance is becoming hugely popular in Ghana (I first learnt about it a few weeks ago, when a Malawian high school friend staying there posted on Facebook the video below, and said it was the craze there). And it seems it’s also increasingly popular online. So will azonto take over the dance world in 2012?

This year, I have compiled a list of the most viewed original posts written this year (according to WordPress). What this means is that the list excludes posts written in the past (the post most viewed this year is this one on Conguitos, a politically incorrect Spanish brand of sweets, written in march 2010). Also excluded are those posts that serve as self-promotion for pieces published for other media but to which I have made reference here.

So, whilst technically incorrect, the list makes this up in relevance, for these posts reflect better some of the most important news and stories in the African continent and beyond; with some exceptions – South Sudan independence, the war in Côte d’Ivoire (both these stories have op-ed pieces devoted to them and can be viewed on the “Other Work” section), as well as cultural notes. What is there includes: Zambia’s presidential election, Bin Laden’s death, Kenya’s invasion of Somalia and the “Arab spring” among others…

Enjoy these stories, leave below any comments you may have, and have a wonderful festive season and end of the year and beginning of 2012!

———–

On Africa’s eleven top posts in 2011

1. Otro 12 de octubre (in Spanish)

2. Lumumba: el asesinato más importante del siglo XX (in Spanish)

3. Zambia’s presidential election – a reflection on the power of silence

4. What Foucault has to say about Bin Laden’s death

5. There’s a new war raging in the Horn of Africa, does the EU know about this?

6. Run, Kenya, Run!

7. Hip-hop: soundtrack of the revolution

8. ¡Música para el sábado! Spoek Mathambo – ‘Control’

9. And then there were… Nando’s

10. Any lessons for Africa from the Fukushima accident?

11. Where do you start telling the story of the North African protests?

Freedom at issue/Flickr

The Role of New Media and Communication Technologies in Arab Transitions
Information and Communication Technologies were an important catalyst of the Arab spring. They helped to bring down the Mubarak and Ben Ali regimes by mobilising important parts of the population and creating alternative discourses to authoritarian regimes, which found international backing. However, experiences from other parts of the world suggest that their role in sustaining the transition process in the longer run is less certain. ICTs can nonetheless support democratic consolidation by fostering an open public sphere and helping pro-democracy actors to remain engaged.

Freedom at issue/Flickr

El papel de los medios y las nuevas tecnologías en las transiciones árabes
Las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación (TICs) jugaron un papel clave en la primavera árabe. Ayudaron a derrocar a los regímenes de Mubarak y Ben Alí, movilizando a grandes partes de la población y proporcionando discursos alternativos a los de los regimenes autoritarios. No obstante, según se ha visto en otras partes del mundo, todavía es difícil saber hasta qué punto podrán ayudar en la consolidación del proceso de transición. De todas formas, las TICs pueden apoyar la consolidación democrática mediante la promoción de una esfera pública abierta y ayudando a los actores pro-democráticos a continuar participando.

Below I’ve pasted a copy. Comments welcome!

Also, here you can read the Busan outcome document, and, as usual, Owen Barder published yesterday a very good post with the main conclusions of the summit, what these mean for development, and a list of articles with reflections on the summit.